October 2, 2013 § Leave a comment
First, a Correction Notice
I have made some corrections to my last post (www.bobsremonstrance.com “A Mind Meld, a Grok and A Couple of Reactions”). The substance has not changed, but I have removed two or three “that”‘s that escaped my notice when I originally edited it. “That” is a word almost always as useless in a written piece as “you know” in a conversation. I ordinarily excise the “that”‘s that creep in but, this time, I missed some.
Also, in memory of my high school English teacher, I cleaned up a sentence in the part about “Crime and Punishment”. I originally wrote: “The novel is an engaging description of a part of Russian society, set in St. Petersburg.” My only excuse is an aging brain. The sentence now reads, “The novel, set in St. Petersburg, is an engaging description of a part of Russian society”
Finally, I removed the redundant word “mental” from my effort to describe Styron’s long window into the mind of Peyton. I wrote that he described her “mental musings”, as if “musings” could be other than “mental”. So “mental” is now gone.
Is There A Conspiracy?
I have long considered those who interpret current events as the product of conspiracies to be CooCooBirds. So, with great hesitation, I present my version of the present struggle over funding our government and paying our bills. I hope I am wrong, but the evidence seems persuasive that we have among us a cadre of powerful and wealthy individuals who want to convert the democratic republican government of the United States of America into a plutocratic corporate oligarchy.
American Business Community: Has It Been The Dog That Didn’t Bark?
I have a friend who never tires of rebuking his liberal comrades for claiming and assuming that the GOP is the party of business. He insists that the Tea Party insurgency within the Republican Party has separated it from the interests and policies of American capitalism. As he analyzes the issue it reminds me of the epic struggles within the labor movement in the 1930’s when factions allied with the Communist Party sought leadership roles. There were some unions in which they had some success but the newly organized CIO, notably the Steelworkers and the United Auto Workers, fought back in a series of epic convention battles. The Communists were effectively drummed out of the labor movement and never gained any significant power in unions. My friend contends that the relationship between the Tea Party and the GOP is similar to the Commies versus the CIO.
In the last week the press has reported that agents of the Chamber of Commerce and some representatives of Wall Street’s financial community met privately with House Speaker Boehner and other GOP leaders. They expressed alarm at the prospect of a government default if the “debt ceiling” is not raised. In apparent response, Boehner stated he will not allow that to happen. The Tea Party members, led by Ted Cruz continues to threaten a default. It remains to be seen how this will play out. Boehner’s statement is interesting. He is not promising that his party will not threaten a default; just that they won’t allow a default. How kidnapping extortion works when there is no threat to shoot the hostage is a mystery.
Those who insist GOP policies no longer align with those of the capitalists point to these reports as confirmation of their argument. I see the matter somewhat differently. I perceive the Tea Party as the latest iteration of a movement, attitude and set of policies that have roots planted long before they acquired the clever “Tea Party label . They can be summarized with three words: Hate the Government.
This history can be traced through rhetorical artifacts. In 1978, Alan Greenspan told a Finance Committee, “”Let us remember that the basic purpose of any tax cut program in today’s environment is to reduce the momentum of expenditure growth by restraining the amount of revenue available and trust that there is a political limit to deficit spending.” A Wall Street Journal article quoted a Reagan staffer who summarized the idea with a bumper sticker quip, “Starve the Beast”. St Ronnie, in his 1981 inaugural address, said, “Government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.” Grover Norquist stated the goal plainly: “I simply want to reduce it [the govenment] to the size where I can drag it into the bathroom and drown it in the bath tub.” The Great Communicator told his adoring followers, “The nine most terrifying words in the English language are: ‘I’m from the government and I’m here to help’.”
These ideas, repeated and elaborated over and over by hate radio hosts like Limbaugh, Hannity and dozens of others scattered throughout the country, embedded themselves in mainstream consciousness and had powerful effects. I believe they relate to the present political climate and the outsize influence of the “Tea Party” in the same way that the Taliban’s ideas related to the advent of Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. This “hate the government” policy is to our democracy as the dogmas of Sharia are to Muslim ideas of government. It is true that the Taliban does not represent the policies of the majority of Muslims. Most Muslims do not favor government run according to Sharia law.
Unlike the labor movement, however, the Muslim/Arab community, while some representatives have disclaimed allegiance to Al Qaeda, has mounted no vigorous public opposition to the growth of that extremism. Recent developments in Egypt reflect how timidly and ineffective such opposition has been.
And, also unlike the labor movement, the American business community, far from denouncing the growing political clout of these government haters, have favored, with generous financial support, candidates who have based their campaigns on these “hate the government” policies.
Why Did the Business Dog Not Bark?
I began by asking myself why the corporate business community would permit the Republican Party to threaten the stability of our financial system by failing to make timely interest payments on our debt. I assume the Koch brothers, the Club for Growth, the other controlling owners of Big Oil and the complex of Wall Street banks and hedge funds could exert a powerful influence on the policies of the GOP should they choose to do so. They have certainly paid handsomely for that kind of access. So, intimately involved as they are in the domestic and international financial markets, why would they allow a US default that would do immediate and long term damage to the reputation of U.S. bonds? To oversimplify, why would they want to damage the ability of the U.S. government to borrow money at low rates of interest?
When I stated the question in this simple way, I caught a glimpse of the answer: If their goal is to weaken and, if possible, destroy the ability of the U.S. government to create and maintain programs that protect ordinary working class citizens from the turbulence of unregulated capitalism, they would prefer that the funding of such programs be dependent on the power to tax, not the ability to borrow.
Government, like private enterprise, cannot grow if it lacks access to borrowed money at reasonable interest rates. Powerful corporate businesses are intuitively and invariably opposed to taxes and government regulation. The Supreme Court has enabled such interests to wield virtually unlimited power to favor obedient politicians and to punish disobedient ones. Thus armed, they probably are confident they can prevent large tax increases. And, if taxes must be raised, they have shown impressive ability to insure they are levied against the middle class, not the corporate ruling class.
I believe the silence and indifference of the business community to the growth of these ideas has resulted, in part, from changes in the nature and makeup of that community. The wealth and power of American capitalism has become more concentrated in the financial system. Engine Charley Wilson’s claim that “What’s good for General Motors is good for America” seems quaint in today’s America. General Motors owes its existence to a Democratic Party president and a financial life preserver tossed by the government. Wall Street banks have become so powerful and so capable of capsizing the American economy that the Attorney General has pronounced them “too big to fail and too big to jail”.
I believe the present conspiracy is the result of a very long train of events that were engineered by a relatively small group of people who were active in business, but who did not comprise the mainstream of business leaders. They created think tanks, institutes, foundation-funded university and college chairs and fellowships. They promoted candidates whose rhetoric identified the federal government as the enemy.
The complicity of the mainstream business community consists, I believe, in its enthusiastic embrace of the results of these political tactics. They have eagerly applauded the destruction of the labor movement. They have railed against fair taxes. They have bitterly opposed reasonable regulations. They have contributed large amounts of money in support of candidates who preached hostility toward the government in which they sought elective office . The business community has, like Dr. Frankenstein, created a fiend they did not fully understand or expect.
We will soon discover whether American capitalism will forswear its Faustian bargain with the Tea Party and force a return to rational politics. Regardless of the brash claims of independence by the Tea Party office holders, I believe if they were told that pursuit of their destructive policies would net them a few hundred million dollars worth of opposition when they run for re-election, their devotion to principle might wane. So long as the opposition of Wall Street is limited to “tut tut” and “shame on you”, I agree with the Tea Partiers: “These guys are not for real.”
Safe Havens for Domestic Political Terrorists
During the past ten years, using arcane political ploys, too complicated to attract the attention of ordinary voters, the corporate plutocrats and their client state office holders have created a network of what the British once called “rotten boroughs”, voting districts composed of like-minded constituents who would return representatives to Congress regardless of how dramatically their views differ from those of the majority of Americans. These were and are safe havens for the Tea Party caucus. They are the American Afghanistan. In Texas this was engineered by Tom Delay, a creation of corporate lobbyists.
Who Are These Terrorists? What Do They Want?
The carefully crafted political climate in those districts has enabled the election of a group of Congressmen who regard government as the enemy. They are not anarchists. They favor government policies that protect property rights, provide for an expanding military force and other services that facilitate business activities. So far as concerns such functions as the “safety net” and promoting the “general welfare”, they regard such expenditures as charity, inappropriate for taxpayer support.
The above described political strategy and policies have been accompanied by an effective media campaign powered by Fox News and talk radio. An echo chamber has been created in which a significant percentage of our citizens live and work. There they are relentlessly bombarded with reasons for hostility toward their government, especially the federal government. So-called “social issues” like abortion and gay marriage are featured. The Bill of Rights is interpreted to be important as protection of gun ownership and property rights, but as a hindrance to apprehension and punishment of suspected criminals. Above all, taxation to pay for relief from poverty is denounced as theft and an invitation to moochers and lazy loafers. Government regulation is blamed for interfering with the pursuit of profits and healthy competition.
Federal laws enabling workers to bargain through labor unions have been gutted. There is no “labor movement”; only a few vestigial survivors of the struggles that occurred during the first half of the twentieth century. The only effective organizations capable of exercising significant influence on national political policy are private corporations. Political party organizations are generally ineffective. Political candidates create ad hoc organizations that disappear after elections.
What If They Prevail?
The end result of these developments is easy to envision. If the policies they represent prevail, the decisions affecting the lives and fortunes of ordinary Americans will not be made in the halls of government in Washington D.C.. They will be made in the board rooms of a few corporations with enough power and money to control lower tiers of lesser corporations whose success depends on access to capital and favorable treatment by the tycoons of finance. The profit motive and free market capitalism will replace any thought of empathy, compassion or fairness as determinants of government policy. Workers with no bargaining power, facing fierce competition for jobs, will be forced to accept whatever employers choose to offer. The “Iron Law of Wages”, rejected as morally unacceptable by Ricardo, will become the hallmark of American labor policy.
We’ve Seen An Earler Version of This Movie
Our history offers a preview of how this looks. In the early 1900’s a few powerful business giants controlled the railroads, the coal, the iron and the Wall Street banks that, in turn, operated the United States as a corporate subsidiary. This was the age of the “Robber Barons”.
That earlier period of institutionalized selfishness and greed did not permanently change our country because its victims fled westward into the still sparsely populated frontier of our vast land. Also, in the 1920’s, the Wall Street casino, operating without any significant regulation, created a gigantic bubble of exuberant greed that finally popped. FDR and his brain trust cleared away the wreckage and established a new system based on a balance between capitalism and government. That effort was aided by the financial stimulus required by our mobilization to fight WWII.
How Did Domestic Political Terrorism Become a Political Strategy?
Fifty years later, led by Ronald Reagan, the government began dismantling the balance established by the New Deal. He began by attacking labor unions. He used his office to demean and discredit every government program designed to alleviate poverty and enable the underprivileged to enjoy a reasonably comfortable middle-class life. He used his skills as an actor to spin yarns about “Welfare Queens”. He inspired a generation of government haters to follow his example and design ways to foster distrust and hostility toward the United States government.
This effort, in the past five or six years, has emboldened a group of angry ideologues, calling themselves the “Tea Party”, to claim the right to set minimum standards of political purity for the Republican Party. Like Al Qaeda, they are so loosely organized that identifying their responsible spokesmen is difficult. They have an agenda, but no formally elected or appointed leaders. They operate like free-ranging enforcers of their ideology. They have demonstrated their ability to intimidate members of the GOP holding public office who, if they stray from the dictates of the Tea Party, find themselves opposed by primary candidates more aligned with its dogmas. Ted Cruz, a first-term Senator from Texas, is their Supreme Leader. His current fatwah requires a jihad against the Affordable Care Act.
In 2011, the President and the leadership of this terrorist group made a deal. It was in the form of a promise to make a deal. They promised to reduce the federal deficit by a stated amount by January 1, 2013, and, to insure that they would bargain in good faith on ways to achieve that goal, they agreed that, if they failed to keep that promise, a group of budget cuts would be imposed in ways thought to be so irrational as to be unacceptable to either political party.
The negotiations that followed revealed that, contrary to expectations, the domestic terrorist group declared they were agreeable to the irrational budget cuts and, hence, would not agree to any reasonable alternative. On January 1, 2013, an impasse occurred and the damaging budget cuts took effect in March, 2013. The domestic terrorists were emboldened by what they regard as their successful strategy aimed at weakening and crippling the federal government, thus fulfilling their promise to the electorate in their Afghanistan districts. They learned that, by focusing on sabotage rather than governance, they could not only survive, but exercise power.
The similarity of this recent history to the strategy of the Bolsheviks following the 1917 Russian revolution is remarkable.
What Happens Next?
I think, during the next few weeks, this domestic terrorist group will mount an assault on the financial system of the United States by forcing a default on our bonds. If they are successful, the economy may gradually slide into a new form of recession. This time, weakened by the debt default, the government may not have the ability to counter the faltering economy with financial stimulus money. Any chance of moving forward with gun safety laws or immigration reform will disappear. The wish list of America’s most powerful and ruthless corporate enemies of the federal government will become the agenda of the Tea Party’s next fatwahs.
If this happens, it is difficult for me to believe that it will occur by accident. It will convince me that there has, indeed, been a well thought out and deftly executed conspiracy to take over our government by a corporate plutocracy. I know this sounds like Joe McCarthy and the John Birch Society in the 1950’s railing about the “communist threat”. I only hope it proves to be as goofy as that.
December 28, 2012 § 1 Comment
I have been thinking about John Boehner’s prat fall on December 20. 2012, when he discovered that the GOP caucus would not support his proposal to preserve the Bush tax cuts for all but a relatively tiny group of millionaires. Like a two-by-four forehead bash, that allowed me to see what we face: Nothing less than a group of U.S. Congressmen (and perhaps Congresswomen) who are disciplined and committed to sabotaging our government. Given the fact that the handler for this group had declared years ago that his “. . . goal is to cut government in half in twenty-five years, to get it down to the size where we can drown it in the bathtub”, I should not have been surprised.
One headline writer likened them to Bolshiviks. I am uncomfortable with that analogy. I have far more favorable emotional links to that historical reference than I do to these corporate flacks. Grover Norquist is no Nikolai Lenin. Also, and this is vitally important, unlike the Bolshiviks, these so-called “Tea Party Republicans” are not ideologues. They affect the trappings and rhetoric of conservative ideology and we and the media have been gullible enough to discuss them in terms of their “right-wing” views. No. I believe the truth is that they are merely motivated by a sort of primal fear of losing their jobs and their status as important, respected elected government officials.
I understand this. I remember very well the unexpected thrill I felt when I was sworn in as a lawyer and realized that, regardless of whatever happened after that, I had been indelibly stamped with a new status: I was a lawyer. After a few years, that became so much a part of me that I realized if someone wakened me suddenly at three o’clock in the morning and said, “Who are you?”, I would probably answer “I’m a lawyer. My name is Bob Hall.”
Just as the Taoists teach, there is a reciprocal dark side to this phenomenon. The dark side is that when a person identifies himself or herself with a status, there is a built-in fear of losing it. Old ex-Wobblies say with a sigh that labor unions lost their claim to be a “movement” the day they successfully bargained for retirement plans. The workers then had a vested interest in preserving the economic power of their employers. As Bobbie McGee’s companion sings, “Freedom’s just another word for nothing left to lose.” When you have something vital to lose, you are not free.
Norquist identified the fear of losing their jobs and the attendant status as the lever to compel obedience from these elected officials. There is a fictional example of how this works. In Orwell’s “1984” novel, there is an unforgettable description of this kind of compulsion. Winston Smith, a dissident, is tortured by O’Brien who, having identified Smith’s worst fear, straps a cage containing ravenous rats to his face. Smith immediately breaks and becomes a willing candidate for “re-education” and conformity to Big Brother’s teachings.
As stated, the embarrassing part of my epiphany is that the truth is, and has been, so obvious. Grover Norquist understood these ideas very well. That is the reason for his “pledge”. One important advantage that corporate business analysts have over liberals like me is that they have no patience, confidence or interest in noble or idealistic motives in people. They believe only in the power of fear and force to compel behavior suitable to their goals.
So, these saboteurs are willing to render inoperable the government whose constitution they are oath-bound to “. . .defend against all enemies, foreign and domestic. . .” and to “. .. faithfully discharge the duties of the office” to which they were elected. They are willing to ignore their oaths because they are convinced that, otherwise, they will be removed from office by primary opponents. This is a realistic fear because their constituents inhabit a district deliberately drawn to enclose people devoted to hostility toward government, especially the federal government.
When I looked at the problem in this way, the solution became apparent. Their belief that adherence to Norquist’s pledge would protect them from primary threats must be destroyed. A careful and intelligent plan should be designed and implemented to generate opposition to these saboteurs.
Now here is where this essay becomes somewhat paradoxical. To be effective, the identity and motivations of the people responsible for the design and implementation of such a plan should be kept secret. This is not a program calling for public demonstrations and letters to editors. These domestic enemies cannot be defeated, or even credibly threatened by “moderate” or “reasonable” opponents. Such opposition would serve only to afford them more credible appeal to their carefully picked and packed supporters. Those working on this strategy must fashion appeals to people whose political beliefs are opposite to their own. Then those people must be recruited to mount primary opposition to the present saboteurs.
This is not hard-ball politics. This is rat-cage politics. There is a vast difference.
So, you may logically ask: “Why, then are you posting this idea on the world wide web?” My answer is: “Because I think it unlikely that very many people who would oppose this plan will notice me and, even if they do, they will probably not take me seriously. Also, I do not have the energy or the talent to carry out this plan. I am hopeful that someone who has those abilities may consider these ideas.”
The first step is to recruit about fifty people willing to spend some time during the next two years working on this. They should be smart, skilled at electronic research and use of internet media (Facebook, Twitter, Linkedin, et al.). They should be willing to work without recognition, without titles, and perhaps without compensation. I think some money might be raised to finance this operation, but only after some preliminary organizational work has been done to convince contributors their money will not be wasted. Also, soliciting money must be done carefully to prevent any public disclosure. This kind of politics requires people who will work quietly, without fame or glory.
It is not necessary, probably undesirable, for the members of this team to be in the same place. People can now work together without being together. They can share information and ideas from any place. At some point, it might be fun for some or all of them to meet, but that has nothing to do with the plan. Of course, to launch the plan, some person must begin the process. He or she should find four others to help. Then each of the five should find others until a cadre of at least fifty have been found. Twenty target members of Congress should be selected. Each one should have a record of undeviating adherence to Norquist’s pledge. Each one should have been a participant in the caucus that torpedoed Plan B. That may be a problem because no public record of that caucus was kept. Someone in Washington surely knows what went on there and that information should be obtainable. Everything leaks in Washington. That event offers a simple way of identifying those who, when required to choose between their fear of Norquist and their concern for the welfare of over ninety percent of their fellow citizens, responded to their fear.
An early objective should be to locate sources of information in or near the districts from which the target officials were elected. Ideally, the fifty team members should include as many as possible from the areas (not necessarily the districts) from which the targets were elected. Appropriate persons would be liberal political activists, young lawyers, young teachers, professors, graduate students, Unitarian ministers – anyone with knowledge of the political and social history of people in the target districts. Local newspapers, bulletins and newsletters published by local civic organizations might furnish useful information. The records of recent political conventions would be useful. Minutes are kept by political parties. Some local TV station tape archives can be accessed. Seasoned researchers can add to this list.
There are two goals for this research: The first objective is to create a comprehensive opposition-research data base on each of the targets. That should also identify any political enemies they may have acquired during their rise to elective status. If they held other offices before election to Congress, then those histories might yield useful information. Any gaffes will be useful. Any speeches or written communications should be reviewed to glean any bases for future attack ads. Associations within or without their families should be reviewed for possible sources of embarrassment. We have learned that “out of context” quotes can be harmful, so the material should be read with this possibility in mind.
One other thing: It seems likely that, if we don’t have a deal by January 1, 2013, and the sequester kicks in, the stock market will tank at least briefly. If that happens, some people are going to make a killing if they have been buying puts for the past few days or weeks. Someone should find out if any of the Norquist zombies make money from the market gyration. If so, they should be exposed for manipulating the stock market for their personal gain. Family members, close associates, staff members should all be checked out.
The second objective is to identify potential primary opponents and ways to motivate them to make the effort.
The ultimate goal is to recruit at least ten GOP primary opponents for each of the targets. The candidates for primary opposition to the incumbent target will probably be people who have run for other offices and have either been defeated or have been elected to some lower caliber office and would like to move up to Congress. Or, they might be people who have cherished the notion of running for office, but have not been flattered and encouraged to do so. Or they might be lawyers who would regard a campaign for office as a way to promote themselves and their law practice. Or they might be single-issue fanatics who feel their issue has not been adequately represented by the incumbent target. People who want to hold public office are a varied group. Only folks like me make the mistake of classifying them as liberals or conservatives. Eric Hoffer’s “True Believer” identifies a whole pantheon of people who embrace political movements for reasons that have little to do with the substance of the movement, but everything to do with their personal psychological needs. Such people might be potential recruits for primary opponents. A challenger with the same last name as the incumbent would have an extra edge. Primary elections are low-turn-out affairs and the voters are usually more informed than average general election voters. Still, confusion about the name of a candidate is usually worth some measurable percentage of votes.
At some point in the process of recruiting these primary candidates, the issue of money will arise. If one million dollars can be raised, it would finance $5,000 worth of seed money for each of ten candidates in twenty primary races. A non-profit corporation could be created called “AmericanPageTurner, Inc.” A logo might say,”New Blood For a New Beginning” or “Healthy Competition Builds Political Strength” “No One Is Indespensible” “Time To Turn the Page” “Public Office – Not a Career – A Turn At Bat”. This corporation should proclaim that we should return to the ideas of the Founding Fathers: That public office should not be a full-time job or a life-long pursuit. It should be, instead, a brief interlude of public service in a life devoted to private enterprise and to family. Pursuant to those goals, the corporation’s purpose would be to encourage competition for public office to increase the likelihood that official positions will not become entrenched bunkers of power occupied by professional politicians. Pursuant to those goals, the corporation could offer initial financial help for willing primary candidates.
I have no experience with raising political money. If I were seeking money for this project, I would go to Wall Street and Hollywood. I assume that people who depend on the stock market for income are uncomfortable with the kind of uncertainty and instability generated by Norquist’s captives. I also assume that some activists in Hollywood would, at least, listen to a pitch for this kind of political strategy. Beyond that, I would have to rely on others more knowledgeable about how to go about raising the necessary funds.
At the stated rate, $50,000 would be available for each target district. I don’t think the money should be handed over to each candidate. First, they might just pocket it. Second, they wouldn’t know how to spend it intelligently. It should be used to pay filing fees and to buy services available to all of the challengers, like office rent, telephone service, second-hand furniture, professional advice.
Finding and recruiting the primary candidates will be the most difficult part of this strategy. If possible, the help of a Republican professional campaign consultant should be enlisted in the effort. This may not be possible and broaching the subject with such an operative will risk blowing the entire scheme. There may, however be such an operative who honestly opposes Norquist’s effect on the Republican brand and who will be willing to act as an adviser. A chance to participate in twenty different primary election campaigns might be a way for a professional consultant to make some money.
I don’t know anything about the ethical code for political consultants. I can imagine an arrangement like this: The consultant might draw up a contract stating that he or she would advise ten different primary candidates in the same primary, subject to the following rules: No advice would be given concerning any negative campaign strategy or public appeal aimed at any primary candidate other than the incumbent candidate. Each of the consultant’s candidates would be entitled to the benefit of the consultant’s time and talent. A good faith effort would be made by the consultant to afford equal effort to each client. One way this might be done is for the corporation to sponsor a two-day weekend school, taught by the consultant, about how to conduct a primary election campaign. Attendance would be limited to challengers and every effort would be made to avoid publicity.
To summarize: The objective is to have the following ready before GOP primary season begins: Well done opposition research on each target incumbent Congressman or Congresswoman. A list of at least ten people in each target district who are willing to become primary candidates against the target incumbent. $50,000 or more seed money available to each of those target districts. Perhaps the part-time services of at least one professional campaign consultant for each target district.
Finally, I want to express my profound hesitancy about publishing this idea. I have seen and heard lots of cockamamie grand plans and schemes to change the world, establish world peace or reform American politics. I’ve regarded them, as you may regard this one, as either nutty, pathetic or just harmless fantasies. I well understand that this effort may qualify in those categories. In my own defense, I offer the following:
I am convinced that the Norquist hold on Congress must be destroyed because I don’t see how our country can be governed without reasonable measures concerning revenue and expenditures. The United States is, in some ways, like a business. Without effective ways of acquiring money, it cannot function. Without the ability to provide necessary services to protect and sustain its citizens, it should not function. When the Congress serves as a gate-keeper that sabotages these functions, our “checks and balances” system becomes a garrotte.
Ordinarily, we can rely on our democracy to solve these problems. If a set of ideas causes extensive harm, the next election will repudiate those ideas and rationality will prevail. The enemies of our government have devised a by-pass work-around to thwart that safety valve: They have created islands of voters who, because of selfishness or ignorance or both, believe that the functions of our government should be transferred to corporate business and unregulated markets. They have succeeded in creating enough of these barrier islands to disable both our government and the democratic system that protects it.
Based on these beliefs, I think something must be done to destroy these barriers. I have described how I would proceed if I were thirty instead of eighty-one. I don’t know whether or not I would succeed. My record does not inspire optimism. I would not suffer from pride of authorship. I would seek advice from others and would accept all ideas that offered chances of success. I would not, however, pay attention to those who offered only despair and hopelessness. I think the problem is serious and the time for planning a solution is now.
November 11, 2012 § Leave a comment
There is an old complaint about lawyers: Frustrated clients often complain that they want to find a one-armed lawyer so they will not hear “On the other hand”. Randy Miller, Business Manager for the Teamster Local in Houston in the 50’s and 60’s, used to argue that labor lawyers’ function was not to advise clients how to stay out of trouble, but to get them out of trouble. Chris Dixie never agreed, but I remember a bar-room conversation between him and a friend: Chris made some statement about criminal law. His friend said, “Mr. Dixie, I thought you were a labor lawyer, not a criminal lawyer.” Chris replied, “Hell, when I started practicing labor law, it was criminal law.”
Well, this is about “On the other hand”.
First, let me explain something about the way I see things. Beginning in my twenties, while I was in college, I consciously and sub-consciously (as I now look backward) rejected absolutes and doctrines and philosophies that offered purity and certainty. I am not referring to the way I perceived the world, but to the way I perceived myself. This self-perception was not an event, but a life-long process.
I was attracted to the ideas of Carl G. Jung, who taught that every person is an amalgam of good and evil -angel and demon – light and shadow. He believed that acknowledging and claiming the shadow was essential to a balanced and mentally healthy personality. I was drawn to the Taoist ideas of Lao Tse and the I Ching, a book of changes translated by Richard Wilhelm, for which Jung wrote a long introduction. Taoists teach that reality is always a result of opposites, but not opposites in conflict with each other, but continually changing opposites tending toward each other.
Now, I want to be honest about this. These are slippery and morally dangerous concepts. They are capable of being used to excuse and rationalize trashy behavior, a convenience that, at times in my life, I have employed fully in stupid and self-destructive ways. I think I have survived those episodes in a two-step process: First, I stopped drinking alcohol. [This didn’t happen until I was 55 years old. I’m a slow learner.] Second, I had to spend several thousand hours painfully reviewing and reexamining the rationalizations that caused me and several others much pain and harm.
But, having made some progress, I still have to pause sometimes and remind myself that my judgments are always subject to review and reconsideration.
The reason for all this prelude is that my attack on the loophole solution to re-balancing our tax system drew spirited blow-back from people whose opinions I respect. I am not persuaded, but their ideas deserve consideration, especially because the loophole solution is probably most likely to be the one we get, whether we like it or not.
The great advantage of closing loopholes designed specifically to benefit the wealthiest 1% is that it would target those who have benefited most from the unfair taxation policies of the last decade or so. An increase in the top rate, on the other hand, would hit many who have not benefited from the loopholes and who have attained their level of wealth through personal effort and determination. For example, compare Barack Obama and George Romney. Is it fair for Obama and Romney to have identical increases in their taxes as a result of the current effort? Obama’s wealth results from two books and a lifetime of effort. Romney’s wealth results from cleverly taking advantage of every tax crack and crevice known to taxation experts and schemers. Should their wealth be treated the same by the tax code?
Also, consider the fact that state and local taxes vary widely between states and municipalities. An increase in the top federal income tax rate will affect equally those with high and low state and local taxes. Does that raise a fairness issue? The scalpel versus the meat-ax solution would mitigate this problem.
The specific facts about these issues are not yet public or, at least, not known to me. I assume that, during the next few weeks, we will have an avalanche of data to absorb concerning the relative results of these solutions. That may require us to re-assess our present preferences.
For now, although I acknowledge the above-stated arguments, I still believe that allowing the Bush tax cuts for the top rate to expire will be the best solution. I don’t trust the Congress to revise the tax code’s complexity in ways that will balance the kind of cuts in safety-net programs that Republicans will demand. The term “loopholes” fails to describe the kind of carefully crafted corporate welfare that has been stealthily inserted into the tax code. When that welfare is threatened, lobbyists will descend on Washington like locusts and threats to political careers will resemble the kind of “offer you cannot refuse” fictionalized in The Godfather.
Even more important, I don’t believe the loophole solution can be explained to the average American family like the top rate increase can. The top rate increase is simple and easily grasped, even by working people who have no time or inclination to become taxation mavins. I am hopeful that President Obama will make full use of his ability to stay in touch with the American voters who just re-hired him. If he does, I think he can negotiate from strength rather than weakness.
I have already heard from John Boehner and Lindsey Graham that “The President should lead by adopting Simpson-Bowles.” This apparently will be their version of a compromise. I have a proposal about that: The Simpson-Bowles recommendations should be re-analyzed according to a new set of facts.
Instead of analyzing them according to projections of dollars “saved” and available to pay down the deficit, they should be analyzed according to how many people will die as a result of inadequate health care; how many young people will be denied a college education as a result of cuts in grants for that purpose; how many children will go to bed hungry as a result of cuts in food stamp money; how many elderly people who do physically demanding work will be required to continue that work after they reach the age of 67. There are other consequences that I cannot think of now, but this suggests the idea. This information should become part of the public discussion about changes in so-called “entitlements”. Let those who insist on the cuts take responsibility for the human as well as the financial consequences.
On another note: I have looked at the present tax brackets. The top rate of 35% does not apply until adjusted gross income exceeds $388,250 for taxpayers filing jointly. Why is President Obama talking about people making “more than $250,000”? If allowing the Bush tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans would raise the top rate from 35% to 36.9% only on taxpayers filing jointly with adjusted gross incomes of over $388,250, why not say that. That would at least avoid opposition from most people making between $250,000 and $388,250, a $138,250 tranche. There may be something I’m missing here. If anyone reading this knows the answer, I’d appreciate it. Just leave me a comment.